Blitz Bureau
DURING his second stint in the White House, US President Donald Trump has markedly diverged from his earlier stance. In February, the Trump regime departed from its broader aid-cutting policy to authorise $397 million in security assistance to Pakistan. This was supposed to be for maintenance and technical support of Pakistan’s F-16 fighter fleet. In March, Trump publicly thanked Pakistan for its assistance in the arrest of Mohammad Sharifullah, a suspect linked to multiple terrorist attacks, including the 2021 Abbey Gate bombing in Afghanistan. Following the India-Pak military escalation in May, US Centcom chief Michael Kurilla went to the extent of describing Pakistan as a “phenomenal partner” in counterterrorism efforts.
These moves reflect a deliberate and coordinated strategy for renewed strategic engagement with Pakistan. Trump’s tough posture during his first term – marked by launching a trade war with China, pursuing a ‘maximum pressure’ strategy against Iran culminating in the killing of Iranian General Qasem Soleimani, and publicly calling out countries like Pakistan for sponsoring terrorism – is now giving way to a policy of modus vivendi, driven by an outsized prioritisation of US interests, particularly economic ones. The US-China economic deal, reportedly ‘finalised’ on June 11, underscores this clear shift in US diplomacy – one that increasingly sidelines concerns of Washington’s allies, partners and friends. While this approach may serve immediate US interests, it risks prompting a strategic recalibration by other nations on how they engage with the US.
In the shadow of recent military escalation between India and Pakistan, Pakistan’s detente with the US may present an opportunity for Trump. But the strain this reset places on India-US relations could prove detrimental to both countries in the long run. The divergence between New Delhi and Washington is now most pronounced on the issue of Pakistan and, more broadly, on terrorism. While India has strongly reaffirmed its zero-tolerance stance against terrorism following the Pahalgam attack, the Trump regime appears increasingly willing to engage Pakistan as a counterterrorism partner. In doing so, Trump seems to be prioritising unilateral US interests over shared strategic concerns that have long underpinned the India-US partnership. Unlike his first term, when Trump’s South Asia policy broadly aligned with the US-India strategic convergence, his bilateral bets in his second term risk further destabilising an already fragile region.
It is problematic if Trump’s changing China policy will serve immediate US economic interests, but it risks prompting a strategic recalibration by other nations in how they engage with the US. New Delhi will be closely watching Washington’s moves over the next few weeks to ensure that India’s economic and strategic interests are protected. It has already inked an FTA with the UK and talks for a similar deal with the EU are on the fast track.
Trump’s attempt to re-hyphenate New Delhi and Islamabad – a reversal of the de-hyphenation policy started by Bush – however, presents a serious setback to the India-US partnership. In a telephonic conversation with Trump, Prime Minister Modi has firmly conveyed India’s stand on India-Pakistan dispute. India, he reportedly said, has never asked for, and will never accept, third-party mediation to resolve the issue of Pakistan’s illegal occupation of parts of Jammu & Kashmir.
